The State, identified, glorified and criticised by idealists and realists alike, is an entity that commands
respect like no other. So much so, that it's given precedence over the individual
that resides in the State.
Idealists like Plato and Hegel personified it and considered
the State to have a mind and a will. They reasoned that the will of the State
is represented by its laws and must hence always be obeyed. Hegel also toiled
with the idea of worshipping the State. Woodrow Wilson, an early advocate of
idealism believed in the notion that nations, as well as man, transgressed the
laws of God at their peril and moral principle, constitutionalism, and faith in
God were among the prerequisites for alleviating human strife.
The realists here had a different approach when it came to
the protection of the state. They believed that without a government
institution in power, humans retreat to a very chaotic state which would lead
to “war of all against all”. Thomas Hobbes, the 17th century contractualist called
it a ‘state of nature’. He believed that an all-powerful monarchy was the only
way to prevent this chaos and perpetual state of war. In his rather cynical
world, every man had something against the other and the only way to keep men
from slicing their neighbours’ throats was to have an omnipresent power monitor their
actions and hold them accountable. Men that have shared similar views as Hobbes
include thinkers like Niccolo Machiavelli, Kautilya, Morgenthau and Chinese
military strategist Sun Tzu.
To these men, moral reasoning wasn't much of a consideration
for a ruler surrounded by greedy advisors and neighbours, all of whom
were advancing their own interests.
Machiavelli, in particular has been rather blunt about men
and their ambitions and how a ruler (or in this case the man or men in charge
of a state and its welfare) must pacify, threaten, annihilate and reward those
around him in a manner that the state and its welfare is secured. Many readers
found Machiavelli extremely cynical in his book titled Prince. But to readers who must deal with affairs of the state,
this cynicism and paranoia are vital in ensuring that they're always on their
toes and have accounted for most if not all eventualities that their state
might encounter. Machiavelli doesn't mince his words when talking about
nobility and their fallacies. He exposes the insecurities that lie beneath the
confident facade of powerful men and calls men (both in position of power and
otherwise) as fickle minded. In his experience men have no allegiances. Their
allegiance is to their own vendetta or their own agenda. They will change sides
and rob and plunder the same hands that nurture them if it brings them one step
closer to power. Machiavelli believed that reason and favour and rewards were
effective methods but when the times come, a ruler must not hesitate from
slicing the throats of men who dare to oppose him. In Machiavelli’s opinion, a
ruler mustn't shy himself of making a spectacle of the destruction of power. A
show of power, according to Machiavelli, is just as vital as power itself. It
deters prospective rebels and silences naysayers. In his opinion, a ruler that
rules by action, by fear and by a strong understanding of the psyche of his
subjects is far more likely to succeed (and most certainly outlive) a virtuous
one.
Machiavelli, evidently, was far ahead of his times. His words
are just as relevant today as they were 500 years ago. What has changed rather
is the implementation of his ideas in protection of the State. Gone are the
days of slicing throats, making a statement by burning villages or hanging
traitors by the town square. In a largely democratic world, a State or those in
power cannot get away with public display of brutal acts in the name of
protection. Machiavelli or his rulers didn't have to bother with Human Rights
or Facebook or the UN. They would do as they please and no one would bat an
eyelid. Power was all that mattered. Today, covert operations, classified jobs
and surgical precision are the name of the game. And the embodiment of all
these are the intelligence organisations of today.
“We are a fact gathering organisation only. We don't
clear anybody. We don't condemn anybody. “
-
J. Edgar Hoover,
Founder and First director of the FBI
Both Hoover and Machiavelli have interesting parallels in
their stories. They spent their years protecting and preserving the welfare of
their state. They both had significant power at their disposal and used every
way imaginable to achieve their means. Hoover was infamous on having sensitive
information on every person in the US Congress, including the presidents.
What separates both these men despite their similar
professions is their modus operandi. While Machiavelli made bold statements in
his book and was unhinged, Hoover kept the media, the public and the democracy
in mind when he made a statement.
Burning houses, destroying villages and torturing prisoners
of war as a political statement is replaced with tact, surgical precision and
most importantly discretion. The CIA or RAW or the Mossad don't go about
bragging their power and their acts of brutality. They keep a low profile and often,
get the job done. They don't ‘kill’. They ‘neutralise’. A largely
media friendly vocabulary further adds to this discretion. To date, the CIA has
been involved in over a dozen military coups and civil wars since its inception
after WWII. Most of them weren't even known to the public until a few years
ago.
To delve even further into the modern version of protecting
the state, wars and civil wars and agents in suits running behind goons are a
thing of the past. They are more at home in cinema than in the real world. In
the real world, guns and ammunition have been replaced by sophisticated
surveillance equipment that saves time, energy and prevents collateral damage.
Credit for making the term ‘surveillance’ a part of the vocabulary goes to
President Nixon and his Watergate scandal. Never before had the people seen a
President cry and confess and leave office on national television before.
Today, the State and its ancillaries monitor everything. Our
health, our finances, our holidays, our preferences, our favourite YouTube
video, our favourite food, who we meet, when we meet, our hobbies, our family
background - they know it all. They probably even know your favourite sitcom.
The advent of the internet and the Information Age, it isn't exactly difficult
for the State to keep a track of your every move. Smart TVs, smart watches,
smart home appliances, they all have a self-reliant data transmitting system
embedded in them that tells the state everything.
Back in the day, we were told that “Even walls have ears”.
Today, everything has ears. This no doubt has caused a furor over the issue of
privacy. No one wants someone listening in
on them or watching them all the time. Some might even suggest that so much
information gives the government enough leverage to falsely implicate someone
in order to protect those in power. To the flag-bearers of fundamental rights
and liberty, all this might seem like doomsday, and to this point all the
concerns they've raised are legitimate.
Keeping all this in mind, we can't discredit the work
performed by these organisations or the men that run it. We need to know what
the state (or those who run it) do what they do. Let's assume that we’re in the
medieval ages. The only concern for a ruler was an enemy right at the gates of
his kingdom or any of his faithful subjects turning against him. In other
words, the only significant threat to a ruler was largely external. Internal
threats were mostly confined to petty crimes and comprised of matters usually
delegated to a local officer. But with the evolving times and ever-increasing
access to the Internet, threats to a state have become far more complex both in
size and operation. With its military might, a nation might be able to defeat a
known enemy such as a terrorist organisation. But what sheer firepower can’t
counter is an isolated element within a State. Let's take the example of ISIS.
It’s not a big deal for the US army to remotely target strongholds of terrorist
organisations and bring them down. But these terror organisations are far defter
at propagating their agenda. They promote themselves to be people with an
agenda and not some mindless killers. They make their ideologies seem
convincing to the youth. Imagine a teenager in a European country coming across
these ideologies and being inspired by them. What if he suddenly decides to
bomb his neighbourhood or kill those he grew up with, simply in the name of
faith? What good is the military then? Here is where surveillance and covert
techniques come to use. They are triggered by key words and keep a track of
individuals who display an increasingly high probability of going on the wrong
track. This avoids many incidents which might have otherwise gone horribly
wrong. Keeping in mind the same scenario, some might argue that the state might
propagate against a particular faith or minority simply to advance its own
political goals. And this is a question of ethics. Surveillance, if used
ethically, is a boon and a life saver. If used by those with sinister
intentions, it holds the key to autocratic power and mass oppression. In a
diverse populace, there are only a few matters that can be objectively
assessed. Most matters have multiple sides with supporters of each side of the
argument. What might be acceptable to one party, might seem out of the question
to the other. Individuality is something that has gained immense traction in
the last few decades. What this means that every man and woman with a mind and
a mouth has something to say. And each of them is right from their point of
view.
The questions that then arise are who decides the morality of
the action of the state? Who is to decide what's good for everybody? Who is to
decide what lives to prioritise and who to save first? What gives someone the authority to
take decisions regarding another individuals life? How much can we trust a
person or a group of people to take the fair and just decision for the masses?
How do we ensure that these individuals don't end up advancing their own goals?
How to we even ever know what's just and fair for everyone (After all, that's
subjective)? How do we ensure that there is no misuse of power? How do we
prevent the prosecution of minorities simply based on media sensationalism and
isolated events? How do we decide when and how human rights should be applied
and who gave those that violate these rights (in the name of protection of state),
the right to do so? Who is to be held accountable for when there is a misuse of
power?
These are questions that have remained unanswered. These are
the questions that might remain unanswered for a very long time—not because
they're hard to answer but because those in power aren't compelled to do so.
“Men in general judge more from appearances than from
reality. All men have eyes, but few have the gift of penetration.”
- Niccolo Machiavelli
(The views expressed by the author are purely personal, and not necessarily endorsed by the Department of Political Science, Mithibai College.)