A common feature of many federal constitutions
follow the U.S federal model is to enumerate a list of legislative powers and
assign them to the union and leave the residue to the states. The Canadian
constitution, on the other hand, follows a different system according to which
there are two lists of legislative powers, and one for centre and the other for
the provinces and the residue is vested in the centre. The constitution of India
follows a system similar to the Canadian, but with more elaborate lists which
include the additional one called the concurrent list. In drawing up an
elaborate concurrent list, the framers followed the Australian pattern of
federal division of powers. Under the Australian constitution, concurrent
subjects are 39. Under the draft constitution they were 37. The scheme is
almost the same as government of India
In place of existing system,
Alladi krishnaswami Aiyar had proposed a simpler and more logical scheme of
division of powers beween the union and states. According to this, there would
be only two lists, an exclusive state list and a concurrent list with federal
supremacy. The rest of the powers would be vested exclusively in the union.
Further, there was to be a provision for the supremacy of union law over state
law if there was a conflict between the two even with respect to items included
in the state list. Alladi contended that such a scheme of division was more
logical in the context of and in keeping with the change in the pattern of
federalism. Federalism, according to him, had already become a centre –
dominated system. The residuary power being with the centre, three lists were
unnecessary. The simpler scheme he suggested would eliminate almost completely
the possibility for litigation under the current pattern of division of powers.
Distribution of legislative
powers described in the VII Schedule of Indian Constitution. The scheme
established by the constitution, as pointed out earlier, consists of three
lists, union list, the state list and the concurrent list.
(a) Union List:
Only Union Parliament
is empowered to make laws on the subjects given in the Union List. 98 subjects
(after 42nd Constitution Amendment Act, 1976) (few important subjects listed
below) Defense, Foreign Relations, Post and Telegraph, International War and Peace,
International Trade, Commerce, Citizenship, Coinage, Railway, Reserve Bank,
International Debt, Atomic Energy, union public services, elections, income
tax, customs duties and export duties, duties of excise, corporation tax, taxes
on sale and purchase 0oof newspaper, etc., which are of common interest to the
Union and with respect to which uniformity of legislation throughout the union
is essential. As such, parliament has exclusive power of legislation with
regard to the items mentioned in this list.
(b) State List:
Only State Legislature
is empowered to make laws on the subjects given in the State List 66subjects.
The selection of these items made on the basis of local interest and it
envisages the possibility of diversity of treatment with respect to different
items in the different states of the union. Some of the important items are
Public Health, Roads, Agriculture, Irrigation, Prisons, Local Administration,
Distribution of Water, Police, water supplies and irrigation, land rights,
fisheries, trade and commerce within the state. The state legislature has the
exclusive power of legislation with regard to everyone of the items included in
the state list
Exception: In the case
of Emergency, Union Parliament automatically acquires the power of legislation
on the subjects given in the State List.
(c) Concurrent List:
There are items with respect o which
uniformity of legislation throughout the union is desirable but not essential.
As such, they are placed under the jurisdiction of both ‘the union and the
states’. This list includes items such as detention for reasons connected with
the security of the state, marriage and divorce, education, transfer of
property other than agricultural land, trade unions, social security, legal,
electricity, factories, books and printing presses, stamp duties, etc
Residuary
Powers: Article 248, Union Parliament shall make laws over
the subjects not included in the above given lists. The Indian Constitution
gives residuary powers not to the states, but to the Central Government.
Union Parliament's
Power to legislate on the Subjects given in the State List
I.
On the basis of the resolution passed by
the Council of State -Article 249, 2/3 majority, Issues of National Interest
II.
Article 352: Supremacy of Union
Parliament during National Emergency,
III.
Article 356: During Constitutional
Emergency. Supremacy of Union Parliament over Concurrent List
IV.
Article 248: Residuary Powers are under
the control of Union Parliament.
V.
Article 169: Power of Union Parliament
to abolish State Legislative Council.
The Concurrent List
gives power to two legislatures, Union as well as State, to legislate on the
same subject. In case of conflict or inconsistency, the rule of repugnancy, as
contained in Article 254 comes into play to uphold the principle of Union
Power. Under this rule, if there is any discrepancy between the State and the
Centre over a subject in the Concurrent List, the Union law takes precedence
over the state's law. The idea of a concurrent list was borrowed from the government
of India act of 1935.
Problems and prospects of centre state legislative relations:
The problems that have
attracted attention in the field of Union-State relations have less to do with
the need to re-evaluate centre - state relations (state perspective)
(i) More
powers to the state
(ii) Residuary
powers to the state
(iii) Reform
in the office of Governor
(iv) Not
to hold the Bills passed by the State Legislatures
(v) Delete
Articles 356 & 249
(vi) Equal
representation of states in council of states (Rajya Sabha)
(vii) Financial
Autonomy to States
(viii) Reforms
in All India Services
(ix) Participation of
states in planning
Structure or the
rationale of the Concurrent List than with the manner in which the Union has
exercised its powers the Union-State should be studied in the context of the
political regime that prevailed in the country over the last half century.
The first four decades
of the Republic was characterized by single party dominance at the centre and
the States and it was more of centralization in the relations.
Control over the ordinance-making power of the governor
Under the Constitution,
the Governor of a State is authorized to issue ordinances, when the State
Legislature is not in session. Though, it is expected that the Governor will
issue such ordinances only with the approval of the State Council of Ministers,
but under certain circumstances, he can issue these ordinances only with the
prior approval of the President of India.
(1) If the ordinance
deals with the subject regarding which laws can be introduced in the state
legislative only with the prior approval of the President.
(2) If a bill has been
reserved for the opinion of the President, an ordinance on the same subject can
be issued only with prior approval of the President.
(3) Ordinance on a
subject on which a law passed by the state legislature is not valid without the
approval of the President.
A major anomaly
according to K.N. Kabra, is that the term 'concurrent' is a misnomer if one
takes into account the overriding powers of the Union, particularly in view of
the concentration of fiscal and economic powers at the Union level and States'
virtual dependence on the Union in discharging only such functions which are
left-over by and are permitted and tolerated by the latter.
This makes for
excessive and dysfunctional centralization, which is not conducive to
socio-economic change and materialization of democratic aspirations, which can
be articulated, in our kind of uneven society in a decentralized framework.
He says the list of
subjects over which lately the Panchayati Raj institutions are enabled to have
jurisdiction cannot become operationally relevant unless the States are
adequately empowered to make their choices in a relatively autonomous manner
with matching relative financial autonomy and are in a position to make
resources available to the PRIs in a coordinated manner.
It is clear that though
the Centre and the Sates have been assigned independent legislative spheres the
Centre reserves the right to interfere in the sphere reserved for the Sates.
The Commission
therefore recommended that as a matter of salutary convention the President
should dispose off a reference within a period of four month from the date on
which the reference is received by the Union government. If any clarification
is required from the concerned State government, this should be done within two
months. Moreover, seeking piecemeal clarification time and again should be
avoided.
But towards the end of
the fourth decade, the one party dominance ended paving way for the coalition
Governments at the centre. For survival, the Government at the Centre is using
co-operative federalism to fulfill the wishes of the State Governments.
Conclusion:
The appointment of the
sarkaria commission by the union government in 1893 to make a comprehensive
review of the relationship between the union and states was a step in the right
direction. Although the commission has made many recommendations of
far-reaching significance hardly anyone of them has been implemented so far
(2000).
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